Visions of a Freeman -
Thursday, November 21 of 2013
Recoding the Bible.
I am a Scientifically proven TRIBalance with the Messianic Code Key so I will
now exercise my right to modify the ancient TRIBalance books to better adapt
them to the Marian Era.
In this vision I will show the consequences of the errors and the errors I want
removed from the Ancient TRIBalance book and thus the parts that science wants
removed as well.
Slavery and Rape hardcoded into the System.
Such sections are not officially deleted by Me.
A broken system bound to destroy itself.
Text edited to show the material related to the subject:
Conservatism in the United States
The history of American conservatism has been marked by tensions
and competing ideologies. Fiscal conservatives and libertarians
favor small government, low taxes, limited regulation, and free
enterprise. Social conservatives see traditional social values
as threatened by secularism; they tend to support school prayer
and capital punishment and oppose abortion and the legalization
of same-sex marriage. Neoconservatives want
to expand American ideals throughout the world and show a strong
support for Israel. Paleoconservatives advocate
restrictions on immigration, non-interventionist foreign policy,
and stand in opposition to multiculturalism. Since the
transition of conservatives from the Democratic Party after the
Civil Rights Movement and the Southern Strategy, most
conservatives prefer Republicans over Democrats, and
most factions support strong foreign
policy, military, and support for Israel. The
conservative movement of the 1950s attempted to bring together
these divergent strands, stressing the need for unity to prevent
the spread of "Godless Communism."
The Wall Street Journal has continuously
been a major voice of conservatism since the 1930s, and
remains so since its takeover by
Rupert Murdoch in 2007. As editor of the
editorial page, Vermont C. Royster (1958–1971), and Robert L.
Bartley (1972–2000), were especially influential in
providing a conservative interpretation of
the news on a daily basis.
By the 1950s conservatives were emphasizing
the Judeo-Christian roots of their values. Goldwater
noted that conservatives "believed the communist projection of
man as a producing, consuming animal to be used and discarded
was antithetical to all the Judeo-Christian
understandings which are the foundations upon which the Republic
stands." Ronald Reagan frequently emphasized
Judeo-Christian values as necessary
ingredients in the fight against communism. Belief in the
superiority of Western Judeo-Christian
traditions led conservatives to downplay the aspirations
of Third World and to denigrate the value of foreign aid. Since
the 1990s, the term "Judeo-Christian" has
been primarily used by conservatives.
Evangelicals had been politicized in the 1920s, battling to
impose prohibition and to stop the teaching of evolution in the
schools (as in the Scopes Trial of 1925), but had largely been
politically quiet since the 1930s. The emergence of the
"religious right" as a political force and part of the
conservative coalition dates from the 1970s and was a response
to secularization and Supreme Court rulings on school prayer and
abortion. According to Wilcox and Robinson, "The Christian Right
is an attempt to restore Judeo-Christian
values to a country that is in deep moral decline. ....
believe that society suffers from the lack
of a firm basis of Judeo-Christian values and they seek
to write laws that embody those values". Especially important
was the hostile reaction to the Roe v. Wade Supreme Court
decision legalizing abortion, which brought together Catholics
(who had long opposed abortion) and evangelical Protestants (who
were new to the issue).
Noting the anger of Catholic bishops at losing state funding
because of the Catholic opposition to gay adoptive parents,
along with other social issues, the New York Times reported in
late 2011 that:
"The idea that religious Americans are now the victims of
government-backed persecution is now a frequent theme not just
for Catholic bishops, but also for Republican presidential
candidates and conservative evangelicals."
The 1970s saw the movement of many prominent liberal
intellectuals to the right, many of them from
New York City Jewish roots and
well-established academic reputations. They had become
disillusioned with liberalism, especially the foreign policy of
détente with the Soviet Union.
Irving Kristol and Leo Strauss were founders of the movement.
The magazines Commentary and Public Interest were their key
outlets, as well as op-ed articles for major newspapers and
position papers for think tanks. Activists around Democratic
senator Henry Jackson became deeply involved as well. Prominent
spokesmen include Gertrude Himmelfarb, Bill Kristol, Paul
Wolfowitz, Lewis Libby, Norman Podhoretz, Richard Pipes, Charles
Krauthammer, Richard Perle, Robert Kagan, Elliott Abrams and Ben
Wattenberg. Meanwhile, Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan was
highly sympathetic but remained a Democrat. Some of Strauss'
influential neoconservative disciples included Supreme Court
nominee Robert Bork, Paul Wolfowitz (who became Deputy Secretary
of Defense), Alan Keyes (who became Assistant Secretary of
State), William Bennett (who became Secretary of Education),
Weekly Standard editor William Kristol, political philosopher
Allan Bloom, writer John Podhoretz, college president John
Agresto; political scientist Harry V. Jaffa; and novelist Saul
Neoconservatives generally support pro-business policies. Some
went on to high policy-making or advisory positions in the
Reagan, Bush I and Bush II administrations.
Think tanks and foundations
In 1971 Lewis F. Powell Jr. urged conservatives to retake
command of public discourse by "financing
think tanks, reshaping mass media and seeking influence in
universities and the judiciary." Aware that the Brookings
Institution had played an influential role for decades in
promoting liberal ideas, the American
Enterprise Institute and later the Heritage Foundation
were designed as counterparts on the right. They brought in
intellectuals for shorter or longer periods, financed research,
and disseminated the products through conferences, publications,
and systematic media campaigns. They typically focused on
projects with immediate policy implications.
In the following decades conservative policies once considered
outside the liberal mainstream—such as abolishing welfare,
privatizing Social Security, deregulating banking, embracing
preemptive war—were taken seriously and sometimes passed into
law due to the work of the Hoover Institution, Heritage
Foundation, the American Enterprise
Institute and smaller tanks.
But not much has been done about this:
Exodus on Slavery
"When you acquire a Hebrew slave, he shall
serve six years; in the seventh year he shall go free,
without payment. If he came single,
he shall leave single; if he had a wife, his wife shall leave
with him. If his master gave him a wife,
and she has borne him children, the wife and her children shall
belong to the master, and he shall leave alone.
"But if the slave declares, 'I love my master, and my wife and
children: I do not wish to go free,'
his master shall take him before God. He
shall be brought to the door or the doorpost, and his master
shall pierce his ear with an awl; and
he shall then remain his slave for life.
"When a man sells his daughter as a slave,
she shall not be freed as male slaves are. If she proves
to be displeasing to her master, who designated her for himself,
he must let her be redeemed; he shall not
have the right to sell her to outsiders, since he broke
faith with her.
"And if he designated her for his son, he shall deal with her as
is the practice with free maidens. If he marries another, he
must not withhold from this one her food, her clothing, or her
conjugal rights. If he fails her in these
three ways, she shall go free, without payment.
"When a man strikes his slave, male
or female, with a rod, and he dies there and then, he must be
avenged. But if he survives a day or two,
he is not to be avenged, since he is the other's property."
(Exodus 21:2-11, 20-21).
Leviticus Goes Further
"If your kinsman under you continues in straits (lit. if your
brother becomes poor) and must give himself over to you, do not
subject him to the treatment of a slave. He shall remain with
you as a hired or bound laborer; he shall serve with you only
until the jubilee year. Then he and his children with him shall
be free of your authority; he shall go back to his family and
return to his ancestral holding. For they are My servants, whom
I freed from the land of Egypt; they may not give themselves
over into servitude. You shall not rule over him ruthlessly; you
shall fear your God."
"If your brother becomes poor" is the crucial clause. Even in
early Israelite tribal society, "brother" was not only the son
of your parent ("Am I my brother's keeper?" Genesis 4:8-9) but
also a kinsman (Genesis 13:8; 14:14; 29:12 etc.). Just as an
Israelite was obligated to protect, redeem, and avenge his
brother, he also had these obligations to a kinsman (Exodus
2:11; Judges 14:3; Isaiah 65:20).
No Such Thing as an Israelite Slave
Here in Leviticus 25, however, the term "brother" means all
Israelites. This is a breakthrough of earthshaking proportions.
I am my brother's keeper and all Israelites are my brothers. If
one of them falls into destitution, I must do everything I can
to raise him out of his desperate straits.
No Israelite may become a slave. All Israelites are servants of
God. God took the people out of the House of Bondage in Egypt to
be free, not to be slaves. Just as the
earth is the Lord's and is not ours to possess, so all
Israelites belong to God and may not be possessed by other human
beings, not by other Israelites and especially not by
Click here to see "Sexism in the Torah".